Chemical Attack on Balesan Valley and Sheikh Wasan -1987

 

This study operates within a legal-historical framework (legal-historical approach) and aims to assess, in a scientific and evidence-based manner, the chemical attacks against the Kurdish population of Kurdistan. This text represents a summary of a section of the broader research.

The study relies on three main types of sources:
First, archival documents, particularly those collected by the Kurdistan Genocide National Archives (KGNA);
Second, legal and judicial sources, including court decisions and international cases;
Third, international reports concerning the human rights situation in Iraq.

At the same time, this research is situated within the framework of transitional justice, seeking to evaluate these crimes not merely as historical events, but as part of a broader process of accountability, truth-seeking, and reparations for victims.

The study also operates on both international and domestic levels in its legal assessment of these crimes, and by integrating these sources, it aims to present a scientific framework for understanding the genocide against the Kurdish people.

This section specifically focuses on the chemical bombardment of Sheikh Wasan and Balisan in 1987.

 

 

Introduction

The chemical bombardment of Kurdish regions represents one of the darkest crimes in the history of the Iraqi state during the Ba’ath regime, and one of the most devastating instruments used in the attempt to destroy the Kurdish people.

Chemical weapons, as prohibited weapons under international law, were used systematically against civilian populations. Such use falls within the category of serious international crimes under international law.

 

International Legal Framework

The Geneva Protocol of 1925, adopted on June 17, 1925, and entered into force on February 8, 1928, constitutes a fundamental legal instrument prohibiting the use of poisonous gases, asphyxiating substances, and other chemical agents, as well as biological and bacteriological weapons in warfare. This protocol clearly prohibits the use of chemical weapons in all forms.

 

Chemical Bombardment of Kurdish Regions (1987)

It is evident that the Iraqi Ba’ath regime, during the eight-year war with Iran, extensively used chemical weapons, resulting in tens of thousands of casualties and severe human losses.

In 1987, at the height of the Iran–Iraq war, Kurdistan faced one of its most difficult political and military conditions. Between (15/4/1987 and 27/5/1987), the Ba’ath regime initiated a سلسلة of chemical attacks targeting various مناطق of Kurdistan, including Sergalu and Bergalu, Mount Gojar, Mawet, Jafaran, Sirko Bli, the Malekan Valley, Haladin, and Yakhsamar.

However, among these areas, Balisan and Sheikh Wasan emerged as some of the most devastating and severely affected locations, where the damage and casualties were extensively documented.

The first instance occurred in the valleys of Jafayati and Sharbazher, where the regime launched chemical attacks using artillery shells on 15 April 1987. This incident marked the beginning of a new phase in the use of chemical weapons against civilian populations.

Despite this danger, due to warnings issued by the Peshmerga forces, the local السكان had been previously informed that their area would be targeted by chemical attacks.

One of the individuals who was present at the site during the bombardment recounts the following testimony:

Testimony of the Chemical Bombardment of Jafayati Valley

One of those who was present during the attack states:

“We had been instructed that in the event of a chemical attack, we should place wet cloths over our mouths and eyes, light fires, or move to areas where the impact would be less severe. When the bombardment occurred, we did not know it was chemical. The sound was not as loud as conventional shelling. We smelled rotten apples and garlic. Numerous bombs fell on us, but at first, they did not seem to have an immediate effect.”

 

Chemical Bombardment of Balisan and Sheikh Wasan

One day after the chemical bombardment of the Jafayati Valley, on 16 April 1987, the Khushnawati area and the two villages of Balisan and Sheikh Wasan became targets of the regime’s forces and were subjected to chemical attacks.

In the afternoon of that day, after villagers had returned from their fields to their homes, and shortly before sunset, the sound of aircraft began to be heard, gradually approaching. Some residents remained inside their homes, while others hurriedly sought shelter in air-raid trenches.

In this manner, the aircraft bombarded both villages with chemical weapons. Video footage of the Balisan Valley chemical attack, recorded by a jash affiliated with the family of Anwar Begi Betwata, shows dense columns of white, grey, and yellowish smoke rising into the sky—one of the clear indicators of the use of chemical agents.

Testimonies indicate that at the time,

“A cool, slanting evening breeze descended from the mountains, carrying an unfamiliar odor. At first, it resembled a pleasant smell like flowers, but later it turned into the smell of rotten apples and garlic,”
which, scientifically, is associated with chemical gases. Witnesses also emphasized that the smell resembled that of insecticides, suggesting the نوع of agents used.

From a human-impact perspective, testimonies provide deeply distressing accounts. An elderly woman from Balisan recounts:

“Suddenly, everything went dark. We could no longer see anything, and no one could recognize anyone. The entire world turned into fog. Later, we all became blind. Some began vomiting; our faces turned dark; people were gasping and crying out in pain. Women experienced severe suffocation and agony. Yellow fluid came out of the eyes and noses. Many who survived suffered serious vision problems, and some remained completely blind for over a month.”

In Sheikh Wasan, survivors recall a woman who, after losing her sight, held her child tightly in her arms, unaware that the child had already died.

These accounts demonstrate that the attack caused not only physical destruction but also profound human and psychological trauma.

Several villagers fled toward the mountains, while those closest to the explosion sites died instantly.

 

 

After the Chemical Attack: Repeated Crimes, Displacement, and Systematic Violence

Following the chemical bombardment, on the next morning, the Ba’ath regime ground forces, supported by Jash, entered Balisan and began looting and plundering civilian property. Subsequently, houses were systematically destroyed and demolished.

At the same time, in an apparent attempt to disperse chemical residues, military engineering units detonated Sheikh Wasan village with explosives, indicating an effort by the regime to conceal evidence and آثار the attack.

On the same night, residents and the injured fled toward nearby towns, including Sulaimaniyah, Rania, Erbil, and Shaqlawa. However, most headed toward Rania because of the hospital.

Along the way, villagers assisted. For example, the residents of Birawa village sent tractor carts to transport the injured. Upon reaching Saruchawa, the tractors stopped to bury approximately 50 bodies of those who had just died.

Those who reached Rania remained there for only one night. Doctors treated wounds and administered eye drops, but these basic measures were insufficient to mitigate the severe effects of the chemical exposure.

One witness states:

“That night was restless and sleepless. Fires were lit across neighborhoods to reduce the effects of the chemical gas, and Rania hospital was filled with cries and screams.”

It is important to highlight the humanitarian solidarity of the people of Rania, who courageously provided assistance to the victims.

 

Transfer of the Injured and Enforced Disappearances

In the early morning, security and intelligence forces entered the hospital and ordered that the injured be transferred to the Emergency Hospital in Erbil. They had already instructed that it should be stated that Iran had carried out the chemical attack. The number of injured reached 346 individuals, excluding those who were killed instantly or died along the الطريق.

At the Erbil hospital, doctors began treatment and administered atropine injections to the victims. However, after a short time, a security officer named Captain Hassan al-Douri, head of Erbil security and a Ba’ath Party official, accompanied by Ibrahim Zangana (Governor of Erbil) and armed forces, arrived at the hospital and ordered the transfer of the injured to a military hospital.

Despite objections from medical staff, the transfer was carried out under threat of weapons. These injured individuals either never reached the military hospital or did not survive after arrival. According to available information, men were separated from women and children, transferred to different locations (Erbil Security Directorate and the Makhmour police station), and later taken to unknown destinations.

Some women and children were abandoned near Khalifan in the Alan Valley. Some were later found among displaced people heading toward Sulaimaniyah, while others were assisted by residents of Khalifan and sheltered in their homes. A witness, Najiba Faqe, from Sheikh Wasan, states:

“I took refuge in a man’s house and stayed there for some time.”

 

 

Number of Victims

According to available data, the number of victims of the Balisan and Sheikh Wasan chemical attacks is as follows:

• 61 victims from Balisan were killed as a direct result of chemical weapons, of whom 22 were buried in a mass grave within the village. In addition, the remains of 25 victims from Balisan were discovered in 1991 in the asphalt factory cemetery in Erbil. The remaining victims are still missing to this day.

• 126 victims in Sheikh Wasan died as a direct result of chemical exposure, in addition to more than 50 individuals buried in a mass grave in Saruchawa.

Among them:

• 33 children under the age of 4
• 28 children aged 5–14
• 9 individuals aged 60–85
• 9–10 people died in Rania hospital
• 4 died upon arrival at the Erbil Emergency Hospital
• Between 42 and 64 detainees died in Erbil Security detention facilities due to starvation and denial of treatment

Including:

• Salmi Mustafa Hamid
• Adila Shinko
• Hawset Abdullah Khidr (9 years old)
• 70–76 young men were forcibly disappeared after being taken from the Republican Emergency Hospital in Erbil:
  • 22 from Balisan
  • 50 from Sheikh Wasan
  • 4 from surrounding villages

Including:

• Mohammed Ibrahim Khidr (18 years old)
• Muhsin Ibrahim Khidr (12 years old)

Based on investigations, the total number of victims from Sheikh Wasan, Balisan, and surrounding villages (Malekan, Khate, Totma, Kani Bard, Birawa, Derash) ranges between 376 and 435 individuals, who were directly or indirectly affected by the chemical attack on 16 April 1987. The names of martyrs and injured victims have been documented.

 

Discovery of Mass Graves and Continuing Suffering

After the 1991 uprising, on 18 September 1991, the remains of 25 victims from the Balisan chemical attack were discovered in a mass grave in the asphalt factory cemetery in Erbil.

However, the majority of victims remain missing, and survivors continue to live with severe physical and psychological suffering.

 

Expansion of Chemical Attacks and Continuation of the Policy of Destruction (1987–1988)

Following the attacks on the Jafayati Valley, Sharbazher, Balisan Valley, and Sheikh Wasan, the Ba’ath regime did not stop at that stage. Rather, it significantly expanded the scope of its assaults, and the attacks became more intense and systematic.

This escalation clearly indicates the existence of a premeditated and structured strategy for the use of chemical weapons against civilian populations.

On 7 May 1987, through the combined use of aircraft, rockets, and artillery, the regions of Jafaran, Qaradagh, the villages of Bergalu, Haladin, Yakhsamar, and Sikan were subjected to chemical bombardment, resulting in extensive destruction and casualties.

Similarly, on 19 June 1987, the regime launched another attack on the Malekan Valley (Saruchawa), located a few miles east of Balisan and Sheikh Wasan. In this attack, approximately 30 individuals lost their eyesight, and the inhabitants of the area were displaced.

The attacks did not end in 1987. On 15 May 1988, the village of Warte (in the Baitwata district) was subjected to chemical bombardment, resulting in the deaths of 36 residents.

During the Anfal campaigns, the Ba’ath regime once again targeted these regions. On 31 July 1988, the areas of Qasima, Balisan, and Khate were again attacked with chemical weapons.

This continuity demonstrates that the use of chemical weapons was not merely a temporary tactic, but rather part of a broader policy aimed at the destruction of the Kurdish population.

 

Types of Chemical Agents and Medical Assessment

Regarding the نوع of chemical agents used, reports by Physicians for Human Rights indicate that the symptoms described by villagers are generally consistent with the effects of mustard gas.

However, in some cases—particularly those in which victims died immediately—it is likely that nerve agents were also used. This is because mustard gas, even in high concentrations, is not typically immediately lethal and often requires a certain period (sometimes up to half an hour) before its fatal effects manifest.

 

 

Official Documents: Authorization and Planned Strategy

One of the most significant pieces of evidence is an official authorization document issued by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, classified as (Top Secret, Personal, and Urgent), numbered 953/965/K, dated 29 March 1987.

The document states:

“Approval has been granted for the strike… as the objective is not limited to saboteurs alone. Coordination with the relevant corps is required, and prior notification must be given before the strike.”

Another document, issued by the Military Intelligence Directorate (No. Sh3/Q2/6885, dated 25 March 1987), refers to a previous directive (No. M1/Sh3/Q2/6414, dated 18 March 1987).

This report explicitly calls for:

• The use of “special weapons” (chemical weapons)
• Through both air and ground forces
• Particularly during nighttime operations

It also specifies targeted areas, including:

• Balisan Valley (Balisan, Totma, Khate, Sheikh Wasan)
• AerasTakya, Balkjar, and Siosinan (in Qaradagh)

The report further notes the shortage of chemical agents and proposes two solutions:

1. Mixing chemical substances with other materials to increase yield
2. Postponing operations until additional supplies arrive in April

However, the report ultimately favors the first option, indicating urgency and systematic preparation for the attacks.

It also explicitly refers to the use of chemical agents such as Sarin and mustard gas.

 

 

The Legal and Historical Significance of the Documents

These documents—comprising 25 pages—are preserved by the Kurdistan Genocide National Archive (KGNA) and have been formally utilized as legal evidence in the Anfal and Halabja trials. They were also published in the book From the Language of Documents (2015).

These documents clearly demonstrate that:

• The use of chemical weapons was a high-level political decision.
• There existed a pre-planned and coordinated strategy;
• The targets were not limited to Peshmerga forces, but included civilian populations.

 

 

Transitional Justice and the Problem of Implementation in Iraq

Within the framework of transitional justice, efforts are made for the state and its formal institutions to systematically confront serious crimes of the past, particularly in societies transitioning from periods of repressive political domination into a new phase.

This process generally includes four fundamental pillars:

1. Truth-seeking
2. Prosecution and punishment
3. Reparations for victims
4. Restoration of trust and societal reconstruction

In Iraq, although certain steps were taken—particularly through the Iraqi High Criminal Court after 2003, which recognized crimes such as the Anfal Genocide and the Halabja chemical attack as acts of genocide—these efforts have only implemented a limited portion of transitional justice.

At a broader level, the core components of transitional justice should include:

• Material and moral reparations
• Long-term medical treatment for chemical weapons victims
• Establishment of memorials commemorating the crimes
• Formal national and international recognition of the crimes
• Guarantees of non-repetition and institutional safeguards

However, significant shortcomings remain evident. Many victims and their families still lack access to an adequate legal and financial framework for compensation. Furthermore, international recognition of the Anfal Genocide and the chemical attacks has not been fully achieved.

Accordingly, it can be argued that the process of transitional justice in Iraq—particularly regarding the Kurdish genocide—has remained limited and incomplete beyond the judicial phase, and has not progressed toward a comprehensive implementation of its core principles.

This has had a direct impact on the rights of victims, as well as on broader processes of justice and social reconciliation.

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Conclusion

The analysis of these documents and testimonies clearly demonstrates that the use of chemical weapons by the Ba’ath regime was not merely a temporary military tactic. Rather, it constituted a central and systematic component of a broader state policy aimed at the destruction of the Kurdish population within the framework of genocide.

Official documents—particularly those issued by the Presidential Office and reports from Military Intelligence—confirm that:

• The decision to use chemical weapons was made at the highest levels of authority.
• The attacks were carried out in a systematic and pre-planned manner.
• Civilian populations in towns and villages were explicitly and deliberately targeted.

 

 

Medical Evidence and Legal Qualification of the Crime

Furthermore, witness testimonies and medical data confirm that the use of chemical agents such as mustard gas and nerve agents led either to immediate death or to long-term injuries, the آثار of which continue to affect the lives of survivors to this day.

From a legal perspective, these acts fall within the definition of genocide under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948), particularly in cases where:

• There is intent to destroy, in whole or in part, the Kurdish national group;
• The acts include killing and causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group.

Accordingly, the مجموع of these documents and reports demonstrates that the chemical attacks against Kurdistan in 1987–1988 must be understood as an integral component of the Anfal Genocide.

 

 

Recommendations within the Framework of Transitional Justice

Based on the findings of this research, and considering that certain preliminary steps have already been taken, the following recommendations are proposed:

 

 

1. Preservation and Strengthening of Digital Archiving

Documents and sources have already been digitized within the framework of the Kurdistan Genocide National Archive (KGNA), representing a fundamental step toward preserving national memory and evidence.

However, it is essential to:

• Establish a formal national archival institution;
• Strengthen long-term preservation, accessibility, and security of digital records.

 

2. Material and Moral Reparations

Compensation for victims and their families remains largely unimplemented, even though many survivors continue to die from long-term effects of chemical injuries.

Therefore, it is necessary to:

• Intensify efforts with the Federal Government of Iraq to prevent further delays.
• Establish a clear legal and financial compensation framework.
• Draw upon international models (such as the Holocaust, Rwanda, and Bosnia);
• Ensure the practical realization of victims’ rights through:
  • Salaries and support for chemical victims;
  • Comprehensive medical treatment;
  • Activation of specialized evaluation committees to address ongoing needs.

 

3. International Recognition of the Crime

Although Iraqi courts have recognized these crimes as genocide within the framework of the Anfal case, international recognition remains incomplete.

Thus, efforts should be directed at:

• The United Nations;
• International institutions;
• Academic centers;

to ensure that the Kurdish genocide is formally recognized as part of the global history of genocide.

 

4. Unified and Standardized Data System

Data related to:

• Names of victims
• Locations of events
• Types of harm

have been partially collected and identified, which represents a significant achievement.

However, it is necessary to:

• Organize this data within a unified, internationally standardized system;
• Use it as a foundation for processes of:
  • Justice
  • Reparations
  • Memorialization

 

Summary of Recommendations (Academic Insight)

This research demonstrates that significant progress has been achieved in the areas of documentation and judicial processes. However, two major areas still require substantial attention:

• Material and moral reparations for victims’ families
• Medical treatment and long-term support for survivors of chemical attacks
• Addressing gaps in assistance systems for victims
• Achieving international recognition of the Kurdish genocide.

 

 

Conclusion

The chemical attack on the Balisan Valley and Sheikh Wasan represents one of the darkest chapters in the history of Kurdistan. This crime—documented by the Ba’ath regime itself and later used as evidence in the Anfal trials—is no longer merely a historical event. Rather, it constitutes an integral part of an ongoing struggle for justice, reparations, and the preservation of collective memory.

The legal recognition of this crime as genocide and a crime against humanity marked an important step forward. However, justice cannot be considered complete through recognition alone. Justice is only fulfilled when victims obtain their rights, the fate of the missing and forcibly disappeared is clarified, and the memory of this catastrophe is formally and nationally preserved.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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References

1. Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, Geneva, 1925, United Nations.
2. Iraqi High Criminal Court, Anfal Case (1987–1988), Baghdad, 2007.
3. Physicians for Human Rights, Winds of Death: Iraq’s Use of Poison Gas Against Its Kurdish Population, 1993.
4. Human Rights Watch, Genocide in Iraq: The Anfal Campaign Against the Kurds, 1993.
5. United Nations, Report of Inspectors on Iraq’s Chemical Weapons Program, 1998.
6. United Nations Security Council Resolutions 612 (1988) and 620 (1988).
7. United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Iraq, 1993.
8. District Court of The Hague, Case of Frans van Anraat, Netherlands, 2005.
9. Kurdistan Genocide National Archive (KGNA), Iraqi Military Intelligence Document No. (Sh3/Q2/6885), 25 March 1987.
10. KGNA, Iraqi Presidential Document No. (953/965/K), 29 March 1987.
11. KGNA, Anfal Trial Records: Chemical Attacks on Balisan and Sheikh Wasan, 2006.
12. Anfalistan Journal, Issue No. 5, Interview with Najiba Faqe Rasul.
13. KGNA, Survivor Testimonies of the Balisan and Sheikh Wasan Chemical Attacks.

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(Primary Sources)

• Kurdistan Genocide National Archive (KGNA). Documents on the Chemical Attacks in Balisan and Sheikh Wasan, 1987.
• Iraqi Ba’ath Regime Documents submitted to the Anfal Trial.
• KGNA, Collected Survivor Testimonies.
• Anfalistan Journal, Issue No. 5.

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International Sources

• United Nations Security Council. Resolutions 612 & 620 (1988).
• Human Rights Watch. Genocide in Iraq: The Anfal Campaign Against the Kurds. 1993.
• Physicians for Human Rights. Winds of Death. 1993.
• United Nations Commission on Human Rights. Report on Iraq, 1993.
• United Nations. Report on Iraq’s Chemical Weapons Program, 1998.
• District Court of The Hague. Frans van Anraat Case, 2005.